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Existing studies often regard politicians as outside epistemic communities, owing to a lack of policy or technical expertise. In contrast, this article argues that politicians can also be experts, and can play a pivotal role within existing epistemic communities. Specifically, it finds that this expertise is acquired through two distinct, but interrelated, processes. First, politicians who work on an issue for a sustained period and have access to expert knowledge can be recruited to epistemic communities. Second, politicians with a relevant academic or professional background can become allies for such communities. This argument is developed through an analysis of pension reform in Norway. Drawing on interviews with key policy actors, we demonstrate that civil servants in the Ministry of Finance constituted an epistemic community which recruited key politicians through the Pension Commission and benefited from having an economist and ally as Prime Minister.

AbstractNorway reformed its pension system in 2011, introducing a Swedish-style, NDC system. Contrary to expectations, the reform was largely supported by the dominant confederation of trade unions, the LO. In this article, we look at LO involvement in the process at different stages. Through qualitative interviews with key reform architects, we have traced the process between 2005 and 2008, emphasising actors, meeting places and interests. Starting from the insight that unions can influence through lobbying, bargaining and (the threat of) mobilising, we suggest that lobbying can be a mutual process, where parties and unions move each other's positions. In addition, bargaining can take the form of behind-the-scenes cooperation, as well as of negotiations in the classic, Nordic-style industrial relations sense. Expanding on this framework, we suggest that the literature on pension reforms should pay more attention to negotiated and voluntary labour market occupational schemes, and to the importance of expertise and networks.

As public pensions are being retrenched across Europe there is an ongoing shift towards occupational pensions. But the trend is not uniform, and this special issue demonstrates the huge variations in occupational pension systems. This introductory article introduces the politics of this shift. We first outline how occupational pensions deviate from textbook social policy. Industrial relations and the challenges trade unions face feature more strongly than in public social policies. Also, the schemes themselves may take the shape of individual savings schemes, as opposed to the more redistributive arrangements of public social policies. We suggest that theoretical approaches such as the literature on embedded markets (inspired by Polyani), and on the shifting nature of industrial relations as well as on 'issue networks' (inspired by Heclo) will be helpful. The article provides an overview of the state of knowledge, building on recent European comparative studies. We argue that it is time to move beyond comparisons of coverage rates and turn attention towards the many dimensions along which occupational pensions vary between countries and within countries.

As public pensions are being retrenched across Europe there is an ongoing shift towards occupational pensions. But the trend is not uniform, and this special issue demonstrates the huge variations in occupational pension systems. This introductory article introduces the politics of this shift. We first outline how occupational pensions deviate from textbook social policy. Industrial relations and the challenges trade unions face feature more strongly than in public social policies. Also, the schemes themselves may take the shape of individual savings schemes, as opposed to the more redistributive arrangements of public social policies. We suggest that theoretical approaches such as the literature on embedded markets (inspired by Polyani), and on the shifting nature of industrial relations as well as on issue networks' (inspired by Heclo) will be helpful. The article provides an overview of the state of knowledge, building on recent European comparative studies. We argue that it is time to move beyond comparisons of coverage rates and turn attention towards the many dimensions along which occupational pensions vary between countries and within countries.

Around 1990, trade unions in both Norway and Denmark moved away from their previous hostile stance, and started actively to promote occupational pensions. Over time, full coverage of occupational pensions was achieved in both countries, yet with different scopes, degrees of risk-sharing and modes of governance. Why did both countries go through similar institutional changes, and why were the outcomes still so different? The roads to full coverage were different: In Denmark, this was achieved through wage bargaining; in Norway, through mandating. Denmark developed far more collectivistic schemes than Norway, but recent developments indicate convergence: efforts are being made in Norway to develop encompassing schemes more similar to the Danish ones, while the Danish system appears to be moving in a more individual direction. In both countries, strong trade union branches have at critical junctures forged alliances with their employer counterparts at the expense of trade union solidarity. Both mandatory and negotiated schemes thus have the potential to be sources of solidarity as well as of self-interest within the union movement.